Assyrian Psychological Warfare: Brutal Mind Games of the First Empire

Before pamphlets, radio, or television, the Neo-Assyrian kings learned to work on the mind. They turned fear into an instrument. They staged scenes of victory in palace halls. They put captives on display. They wrote annals that made enemies feel small before a single spear was raised. The result was a style of rule that pushed beyond swords and chariots. It was theatre, message discipline, and calculated cruelty. If you want an early blueprint for psychological warfare, you find it in the stone walls of Nineveh, Nimrud, and Khorsabad.

Assyrian armies did not simply win. They made sure everyone knew they had won, how they had won, and what would happen to the next city that hesitated. Reliefs show siege ramps creeping up walls, defenders tumbling, then processions of deportees. Inscriptions boast of kings “treading down like locusts,” shutting rulers “like a bird in a cage,” and hanging the skins of rebels on gates. The point was not subtle. Yield and live. Resist and learn why resistance was a bad idea.

Empire built on memory

Fear fades quickly if you cannot bottle it. Assyrian palaces solved that problem. Long galleries carried carved narratives of conquest so that visiting envoys, governors, and petitioners walked through a lesson in power. Each slab repeated the same message in different clothes: this is what happens when you cross us. The halls worked like permanent press briefings. Courtiers absorbed details. Messengers carried them outward. Local rulers saw their own future in the figures of other defeated kings.

The carvings are precise. Engineers raise earthen ramps while archers and slingers cover them. Battering rams press shields against walls. On the edges, officers count spoils, take hostages, and catalog tribute. After the fight, lines of families trudge away under guard, hands lifted in supplication, ox-carts loaded with goods. A few scenes record the ugly end of captured leaders. None of this is accidental. It is choreography for the mind.

Words as weapons

Stone spoke; clay spoke louder. Royal annals, etched in tidy wedges on hexagonal prisms and clay cylinders, travelled as copies to temples and provincial centres. They announce campaigns, list cities flattened, and dwell on punishments for rebels. One record famously claims to have shut Hezekiah of Judah “like a bird in a cage.” The phrase is not just brag. It is a hook designed to lodge in a ruler’s thoughts when the next Assyrian envoy appears. If a king in Jerusalem felt caged, what hope did a smaller city have?

These texts also display a careful balance of terror and order. The king punishes the stubborn, but he reinstates the compliant and returns fields to those who bow. There is always a door back to safety—if you accept terms. Mercy appears, but only on the empire’s terms. That contrast does its own work: fear motivates; the promise of stability closes the deal.

A case study carved in gypsum: Lachish, 701 BCE

Walk the Lachish reliefs and you watch psychological warfare step by step. First comes the approach: troops in ranks, wicker shields interlocked, rams inching forward, engineers piling the ramp. Siege is a performance. The defenders are meant to see each stage arrive, and to feel their options narrow.

Then the breach: archers lay down fire; the rams bite the wall; soldiers climb ladders. Assyrian artists make sure we read the confidence on the attackers’ side—orderly rows, disciplined posture. On the other side, chaos. Figures fall from towers. Torches tumble.

Finally, the lesson: prisoners file past the king on his throne; scribes count booty; deportees trudge away. A few panels show what happens to selected men who made the wrong call—pinned to stakes, flayed, or beheaded. You see the carrot and the stick in the same corridor. Sennacherib did not need to hang posters. He built a hallway that did the job.

Assyrian relief showing impaled captives beneath attacking troops
Relief showing impaled victims during an Assyrian assault in the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III. Public execution staged as deterrent. Source: Wikimedia Commons

Cruelty with an audience

Assyrian kings were not the first to execute rebels, but they turned punishment into stagecraft. The timing mattered. Executions often happened within sight of city walls or on the route used by deportees. The props mattered. Heads stacked in piles, skins hung on gates, stakes raised in lines—these are signs meant to be read from a distance. Even the decision to spare some groups served the message. Mercy looked like a royal gift, and gifts must be repaid with obedience.

There is a second audience: the Assyrian court. Reliefs flatter the king’s command of order. Captains keep ranks, engineers finish their ramps, scribes control the paperwork. The system works. That reassurance was part of the psychology, too. Fear outside; confidence inside.

Deportation as policy

Mass resettlement appears again and again in the art. It breaks rear-guard resistance. It creates mixed populations that cannot easily coordinate revolt. It also lets the king reward loyal allies with skilled labour moved from captured cities. Families march under guard, oxen pull carts of household goods, soldiers carry spears at intervals. The rhythm on the wall is deliberate: step, step, step—across the empire, across generations. For subject kings, the sight bites deeper than any execution. Lose, and it is not just your life. It is your people’s map that gets redrawn.

Crucially, deportation carried a promise. If you settled and paid, you could farm again under Assyrian protection. That mix—fear for the present, a usable future if you comply—kept tribute flowing.

Detail of deportees escorted from Lachish by Assyrian troops
Families, carts, and escorts—deportation as an imperial tool to dissolve local resistance. Source: Wikimedia Commons

Architecture that intimidates

Walk through the gates of Dur-Sharrukin or Nineveh and you pass under winged bulls with human heads, colossal lamassu carved with muscles and curls. They are beautiful, yes; they are also warnings. The threshold is guarded by more than soldiers. Inside, the first rooms narrow, then widen into long halls whose walls tell you what happens to fools. Architecture guides behaviour. It also compresses you into the king’s story before you meet the king.

The scale matters. Size is a message. Reliefs at human height draw you in; lamassu at multiple tons push you down. Either way, the body gets the point before the mind finishes the caption.

Royal boasts, crafted for effect

Annal entries are not diary scribbles. They are scripts. The formula repeats: the king sets out, lists cities stormed, names rulers who fled, notes how many chariots and horses were taken, and spells out punishments. The pattern is easy to remember and easy to retell. Scribes produced copies. Priests read them in temples. Officials kept them in archives for visiting rivals to find.

One record—on a famous hexagonal prism—delivers the line every petty king remembers: a rival “shut up like a caged bird.” The wording is ruthless and tidy. It leaves room for survival and humiliation in the same breath. As a phrase, it travels well. As a policy, it boxed rulers into choices they were meant to hate.

Hexagonal clay prism with cuneiform annals
The prism that boasts of shutting Hezekiah “like a caged bird”—a line crafted to travel through courts and archives. Source: Wikimedia Commons

Mind games before a single arrow

The Assyrian playbook starts long before the first siege tower rolls. Envoys arrive with letters and lists. They demand hostages and tribute. They recite what happened last year to cities with doubtful loyalty. They display exotic booty stripped from other kings. The message lands before the army does: we know your walls; we know your allies; we know your price. When the vanguard finally appears, nerves are already frayed.

Scouts and informants have done their work, too. Letters in cuneiform archives show the crown receiving field intelligence and asking for exact numbers of troops, horses, and rams. Psychological warfare is administrative. It is files and memoranda as much as drums and trumpets.

The spectacle of victory

Even banquets were propaganda. In one famous relief the king reclines with his queen beneath vines. A severed head dangles from a nearby tree—the head of an enemy king. Music plays. Attendants fan. The scene is leisure with a sharp edge: we are comfortable because our enemies are not. Anyone ushered into that room would understand without a single word from the throne.

Hunts work the same way. Lions charge; the king draws the bow and stands firm. The subtext is simple: if he tames the wild, he can tame you. Poetry and annals add gloss, but the relief does the heavy lifting. It is a silent sermon on power.

Banquet scene where a severed enemy head hangs from a tree
Leisure as threat: Ashurbanipal reclines with musicians while an enemy’s head hangs nearby (left)—a composed warning to visitors. Source: Wikimedia Commons

When terror fails

Psychological warfare is never total. Some cities hold; some coalitions form; some campaigns stall. Assyria knew setbacks and, eventually, collapse. But while it lasted, the mix of spectacle and punishment saved time and blood—Assyrian blood, at least. Cities that opened their gates avoided the worst. Those that wavered found themselves looking at stakes, ramps, and rams in the same dreadful frame.

The system demanded constant performance. New victories had to refresh the gallery; new annals had to update the boast. When the current king weakened, the spell faltered. Without fresh fear, the stories in the walls looked like history instead of the present. Enemies tested limits. The empire learned what every propagandist learns: you must keep the message moving.

Lessons that outlived an empire

Later states copied pieces of the Assyrian kit—monumental gateways, public inscriptions, staged victory parades, managed deportations, and idealised scenes of the ruler in control. They adjusted the cruelty for their own sensibilities, but they kept the structure. To rule a large territory with limited manpower, you persuade the many with what you do to a few. You show outcomes in advance. You tell the story of tomorrow today, loudly, in stone.

We often meet the Assyrians through biblical or classical passages that hate them. Yet the reliefs let the kings speak for themselves. The voice is chilling and clear: I defeated, I dismantled, I relocated, I rebuilt, I installed. A modern reader does not have to admire the voice to recognise how effective it was. That is the point of studying it. Techniques travel even when empires do not.

How to read the pictures

Stand close. Look for the details that carry the message. A prisoner’s hands clutching a child’s wrist. A scribe’s stylus resting at the line that counts captives. A soldier pausing to drink while a stake rises behind him. Then step back. The hall becomes the scene. You are walking through the city’s future if it says no.

Then find the exit and imagine being an envoy from a small hill town asked to wait for an audience in that space. Every slab you pass is an argument. By the time you bow, the answer may already be forming in your throat: “We will pay the tribute.” That moment—before you speak, when the mind has already moved—is where Assyrian psychological warfare lived.

Julius Caesar’s PR Machine | Propaganda in the Late Roman Republic

Rome in the middle of the first century BC stood at a crossroads. Economic anxiety, military demobilisation, and partisan street violence forced citizens to look increasingly toward single personalities rather than the collective wisdom of the Senate. Literacy among urban plebeians was rising, cheap papyrus from Egypt had begun to flow into the capital, and public noticeboards carried daily political gossip. In that setting Gaius Julius Caesar realised that perception could decide elections and even wars. A statesman who controlled headlines, monuments, and money itself would gain an edge unavailable to earlier generations.

Marble bust of Julius Caesar, Tusculum portrait (mid‑1st century BC)
Widely regarded as the only likeness carved during Caesar’s lifetime; housed in Palazzo Massimo alle Terme, Rome. Source: Wikimedia Commons

Formative Years: Advocacy, Debts, and Name Recognition

Caesar’s aunt was married to Marius, hero of the Cimbric War; his wife Cornelia belonged to the radical Cornelii Cinnae. Sulla’s dictatorship stripped young Caesar of the priesthood and brought early exile, yet that setback taught a lesson: public memory can be re‑engineered. After Sulla’s death, Caesar prosecuted provincial governors notorious for extortion, funding each case with money borrowed at ruinous interest from Marcus Licinius Crassus. Verdicts were less important than appearances. Jurors sat in open‑air courts on the Forum, surrounded by spectators; each dramatic cross‑examination pushed the name “Caesar” into the Acta Diurna and private letter collections. Within a decade he was pontifex maximus, largely on the strength of visibility rather than seniority.

Political Branding through Partnerships and Spectacle

The so‑called First Triumvirate (59 BC) united Caesar with Crassus and Pompey. Their pact was informal yet carefully choreographed. Pompey married Caesar’s daughter Julia during a public ceremony on the steps of the Capitoline Hill; Crassus underwrote grain distributions timed with the vote on Caesar’s agrarian bill. A single week of largesse cost over 23 million sesterces, more than the annual income of many senatorial families, but the investment paid dividends at the ballot box. Contemporary pamphleteers noted that diners carried away ceramic bowls stamped with a tiny Venus, an early instance of mass‑produced campaign merchandise.

The Gaul Dispatches: Turning Battle Reports into Bestseller Prose

While governor of Cisalpine and Transalpine Gaul (58–50 BC) Caesar drafted periodic commentaries written in spare, vivid Latin: Commentarii de Bello Gallico.1 Couriers raced the manuscripts to Rome, where slaves read them aloud in taverns and baths. The prose framed tribal coalitions as existential threats and justified extraordinary expenditure of Roman blood and treasure. By referring to himself in the third person (“Caesar sends the cavalry”), the author gained an air of objectivity. Later critics, from the scholar Mommsen to modern military historians, classify the work as strategic public relations; it granted voters a sense of shared victory precisely while safeguarding the commander’s personal authorship of success.

Numbers, Maps, and Selective Emphasis

Statistics inside the Commentarii served rhetorical goals. Enemy casualties dwarfed Roman losses in almost every episode. Geography placed battlefields near rivers that formed convenient natural frontiers, persuading readers that conquest secured Rome’s safety lines. Opponents were labeled barbari, suggesting chaos and unpredictability, whereas auxiliary leaders loyal to Caesar were praised as “wise” or “steadfast.” In short, language did the work of a modern infographic.

Money Talks: The Portrait Denarius of 44 BC

The most audacious propaganda piece was small enough to fit in a purse. Early in 44 BC Caesar authorised striking silver denarii bearing his own likeness crowned with laurel, flanked by the legend DICT PERPETVO (“dictator for life”).2 Roman custom had reserved living portraits on coinage for monarchs in Hellenistic kingdoms; by breaking that taboo Caesar signalled a new political reality. Numismatists estimate that millions of examples left the mint in fewer than eight weeks, supplying legion payrolls in Spain, Macedonia, and Syria. Each coin passed from legionary to innkeeper to farmer, a metal document that never needed official couriers.

Silver denarius of Julius Caesar minted 44 BC with laureate portrait and Venus Victrix reverse
Struck weeks before the Ides of March; first Roman coin to show a living statesman. Source: Wikimedia Commons

The Quadruple Triumph of 46 BC

Upon defeating Pharnaces, Juba I, and the Pompeian remnant, Caesar staged four triumphs in one thirty‑day span.3 Cassius Dio lists Pompey’s battered arms, Gallic chariots, and full‑scale river dioramas paraded past the Temple of Saturn. Exotic wildlife stunned the crowds. A giraffe—the first recorded in Europe—walked the Circus Maximus, rolled out of a specially constructed barge and escorted by Nubian handlers.4 Such prodigies reinforced the image of Rome as a city that could command the ends of the earth, and Caesar as the linchpin holding its compass steady.

Architecture: Stone as Story

Money from Gaul financed marble. The Forum Iulium, begun in 54 BC, offered traders a new colonnade while leading every visitor’s gaze toward a high‑altar statue of Venus Genetrix. Adjacent rose the Curia Julia, wider than the old Curia Hostilia and aligned on an axis that highlighted Caesar’s family rostra.5 Senators entering the chamber confronted carved reliefs of Aeneas carrying Anchises, underlining Julian descent from the Trojan hero. Political messaging became part of the cityscape; to do business meant walking literal corridors of dynastic narrative.

Exterior of the Curia Julia senate house in the Roman Forum
Senate house begun by Caesar, completed by Augustus; façade of brick‑faced concrete and marble revetment. Source: Wikimedia Commons

Temple of Venus Genetrix: Mythology Meets Statecraft

Dedicated on 26 September 46 BC—the final day of the African triumph—the Temple of Venus Genetrix fused private genealogy and civic cult.6 Ovid later described a colossal ivory statue inside, clutching an apple and helm. Reliefs depicted Paris awarding the apple to Venus, a scene linking the goddess’s beauty with political judgment. Festivals at the site became annual reminders that Caesar’s bloodline, by his telling, flowed from divinity. The message proved durable: Augustus retained the priesthood and incorporated Venus’s star into legionary standards.

Three standing Corinthian columns of Caesar’s Temple of Venus Genetrix
All that remains of the sanctuary dedicated 46 BC in Caesar’s forum; columns re‑erected in the 20th century. Source: Wikimedia Commons

Clementia Caesaris: Mercy as a Weapon

After Pharsalus, Pompey’s lieutenants expected confiscations and executions. Instead, Caesar invited many to dine. By publicising letters of thanks from Marcus Junius Brutus and even from Cicero, he transformed personal leniency into a civic virtue.7 Roman writers noted that mercy (clementia) was traditionally a prerogative of the populus; Caesar appropriated that privilege, reinforcing one‑man rule under the guise of benevolence.

The Acta Diurna and Bulletin Control

Caesar did not invent the daily notice sheet, yet he formalised it. Beginning in 59 BC clerks posted summaries of senatorial debates, new laws, gladiatorial schedules, and celestial omens on whitened boards in the Forum.8 Under Caesar, military dispatches joined the roster, giving frontline propaganda the same civic legitimacy as marriage announcements. Merchants visiting from Palermo could read Gaulish victory headlines before they heard them from bards or returning soldiers, guaranteeing that the dictator’s version of events framed every subsequent conversation.

Crossing the Rubicon: Narrative Supremacy during Civil War

In January 49 BC, Caesar stepped over the Rubicon with one legion. He sent ahead proclamations declaring that the Senate’s tribunes had been threatened and that he marched to restore lawful order. Copies flooded Etruscan hill towns and Adriatic port cities. Pompey’s camp responded days behind, forever playing narrative catch‑up. Within three months Spain surrendered; Caesar credited the swift victory to local enthusiasm rather than legionary speed, again shaping history in real time.

The Assassination and the Story that Refused to Die

Ides of March, 44 BC: conspirators struck inside the Theatre of Pompey. Yet their target’s communication network kept breathing. Mark Antony displayed the blood‑clotted toga on the Rostra, reciting the dead man’s will bequeathing gardens to the urban plebs. Rumours flew that Brutus had been spared once before by Caesar’s mercy, darkening his deed with ingratitude. The Senate hurried to outlaw nomen tyrannicidum graffiti, but copies of the will already seeded fury in Subura taverns. Augustus later mined the backlog of imagery—laurel coins, Venus starbursts, even the Julian calendar reform—to claim he was finishing rather than overturning his adoptive father’s programme.

A Template for Future Regimes

From Napoleon’s bulletins after Marengo to modern social‑media photo ops, heads of state still borrow Caesar’s triad: control the message, repeat the symbol, reward the crowd. His skill lay not merely in waging war but in ensuring that every senator, legionary, and freedwoman awoke each morning inside a story that cast the Julian household as Rome’s natural pilot. The Republic fell, yet the propaganda blueprint endured, adaptable to emperors, popes, and presidents who understood that power, once seen, is half possessed.


References

  1. Aspects of propaganda in the De Bello Gallico, ResearchGate paper by A. Spilsbury (2015).
  2. “Julius Caesar’s Propaganda: The First Roman Coins Featuring the Ruler’s Portrait,” Short History (2023).
  3. Cassius Dio, Roman History 43.14–24 (Loeb Edition).
  4. “When Julius Caesar Brought the First Giraffe to Europe,” The Vintage News (2017).
  5. N. McFadden, “Memory, Propaganda, and the Roman Senate House,” University of Iowa thesis (2019).{index=4}
  6. “Temple of Venus Genetrix,” Encyclopaedia Romana entry.
  7. Vaznetti, “Caesar’s Clementia,” LiveJournal essay (2005).
  8. Acta Diurna, Wikipedia article (updated 2025).